VOLTAIRE, CANDIDE (1759)
THE “GRAND TOUR” OF CANDIDE’S PROGRESSIVE DISILLUSIONMENT
INSTITUTIONS / REPRESENTATIVES OF TRADITIONAL CHRISTIANITY
1) The vicar [ =
baron’s chaplain] (
2) The Calvinist minister / the Anabaptist
3) The Inquisition /
the Grand Inquisitor (
4) The Franciscan monk / the Benedictine prior (
5) The Jesuit dictatorship (
6) The Dutch Reformed “fetishes” [preachers] (
7) The monk from Périgord (FRANCE)
8) Brother Giroflée (
9) Cunégonde’s brother (Jesuit
OTHER RELIGIONS CRITICIZED
1) JUDAISM (Don Issachar
2) ISLAM (the dervish [ = Muslim cleric] in
*** EXCEPTION: DIFFERENT FROM THE OTHERS -- WHY?
THE CONFESSIONS OF J. J. ROUSSEAU
I have entered upon a performance which is without example, whose
accomplishment will have no imitator. I mean to present my fellow-
mortals with a man in all the integrity of nature; and this man shall be
I know my heart, and have studied mankind; I am not made like any one I
have been acquainted with, perhaps like no one in existence; if not
better, I at least claim originality, and whether Nature did wisely in
breaking the mould with which she formed me, can only be determined after
having read this work.
Whenever the last trumpet shall sound, I will present myself before the
sovereign judge with this book in my hand, and loudly proclaim, thus have
I acted; these were my thoughts; such was I. With equal freedom and
veracity have I related what was laudable or wicked, I have concealed no
crimes, added no virtues; and if I have sometimes introduced superfluous
ornament, it was merely to occupy a void occasioned by defect of memory:
I may have supposed that certain, which I only knew to be probable, but
have never asserted as truth, a conscious falsehood. Such as I was, I
have declared myself; sometimes vile and despicable, at others, virtuous,
generous and sublime; even as thou hast read my inmost soul: Power
eternal! assemble round thy throne an innumerable throng of my fellow-
mortals, let them listen to my confessions, let them blush at my
depravity, let them tremble at my sufferings; let each in his turn expose
with equal sincerity the failings, the wanderings of his heart, and, if
he dare, aver, I was better than that man.
I was born at
, in 1712, son of Isaac Rousseau and Susannah Geneva
Bernard, citizens. My father's share of a moderate competency, which was
divided among fifteen children, being very trivial, his business of a
watchmaker (in which he had the reputation of great ingenuity) was his
only dependence. My mother's circumstances were more affluent; she was
daughter of a
. Bernard, minister, and possessed a considerable share Mons
of modesty and beauty; indeed, my father found some difficulty in
obtaining her hand.
The affection they entertained for each other was almost as early as
their existence; at eight or nine years old they walked together every
evening on the banks of the Treille, and before they were ten, could not
support the idea of separation. A natural sympathy of soul confined
those sentiments of predilection which habit at first produced; born with
minds susceptible of the most exquisite sensibility and tenderness, it
was only necessary to encounter similar dispositions; that moment
fortunately presented itself, and each surrendered a willing heart.
The obstacles that opposed served only to give a decree of vivacity to
their affection, and the young lover, not being able to obtain his
mistress, was overwhelmed with sorrow and despair. She advised him to
travel--to forget her. He consented--he travelled, but returned more
passionate than ever, and had the happiness to find her equally constant,
equally tender. After this proof of mutual affection, what could they
resolve?--to dedicate their future lives to love! the resolution was
ratified with a vow, on which Heaven shed its benediction.
Fortunately, my mother's brother, Gabriel Bernard, fell in love with one
of my father's sisters; she had no objection to the match, but made the
marriage of his sister with her brother an indispensable preliminary.
Love soon removed every obstacle, and the two weddings were celebrated
the same day: thus my uncle became the husband of my aunt, and their
children were doubly cousins german. Before a year was expired, both had
the happiness to become fathers, but were soon after obliged to submit to
My uncle Bernard, who was an engineer, went to serve in the empire and
, under Prince Eugene, and distinguished himself both at the siege Hungary
and battle of
. My father, after the birth of my only brother, Belgrade
set off, on recommendation, for
Constantinople, and was appointed
watchmaker to the Seraglio. During his absence, the beauty, wit, and
[They were too brilliant for her situation, the minister, her
father, having bestowed great pains on her education. She was aught
drawing, singing, and to play on the theorbo; had learning, and
wrote very agreeable verses. The following is an extempore piece
which she composed in the absence of her husband and brother, in a
conversation with some person relative to them, while walking with
her sister--in--law, and their two children:
Ces deux messieurs, qui sont absens,
Nous sont chers e bien des manieres;
Ce sont nos amiss, nos amans,
Ce sont nos maris et nos freres,
Et les peres de ces enfans.
These absent ones, who just claim
Our hearts, by every tender name,
To whom each wish extends
Our husbands and our brothers are,
The fathers of this blooming pair,
Our lovers and our friends.]
of my mother attracted a number of admirers, among whom
. de la Mons
Closure, Resident of France, was the most assiduous in his attentions.
His passion must have been extremely violent, since after a period of
thirty years I have seen him affected at the very mention of her name.
My mother had a defence more powerful even than her virtue; she tenderly
loved my father, and conjured him to return; his inclination seconding
his request, he gave up every prospect of emolument, and hastened to
I was the unfortunate fruit of this return, being born ten months after,
in a very weakly and infirm state; my birth cost my mother her life, and
was the first of my misfortunes. I am ignorant how my father supported
her loss at that time, but I know he was ever after inconsolable. In me
he still thought he saw her he so tenderly lamented, but could never
forget I had been the innocent cause of his misfortune, nor did he ever
embrace me, but his sighs, the convulsive pressure of his arms, witnessed
that a bitter regret mingled itself with his caresses, though, as may be
supposed, they were not on this account less ardent. When he said to me,
"Jean Jacques, let us talk of your mother," my usual reply was, "Yes,
father, but then, you know, we shall cry," and immediately the tears
started from his eyes. "Ah!" exclaimed he, with agitation, "Give me back
my wife; at least console me for her loss; fill up, dear boy, the void
she has left in my soul. Could I love thee thus wert thou only my son?"
Forty years after this loss he expired in the arms of his second wife,
but the name of the first still vibrated on his lips, still was her image
engraved on his heart.
Such were the authors of my being: of all the gifts it had pleased Heaven
to bestow on them, a feeling heart was the only one that descended to me;
this had been the source of their felicity, it was the foundation of all
I came into the world with so few signs of life, that they entertained
but little hope of preserving me, with the seeds of a disorder that has
gathered strength with years, and from which I am now relieved at
intervals, only to suffer a different, though more intolerable evil.
I owed my preservation to one of my father's sisters, an amiable and
virtuous girl, who took the most tender care of me; she is yet living,
nursing, at the age of four--score, a husband younger than herself, but
worn out with excessive drinking. Dear aunt! I freely forgive your
having preserved my life, and only lament that it is not in my power to
bestow on the decline of your days the tender solicitude and care you
lavished on the first dawn of mine. My nurse, Jaqueline, is likewise
living: and in good health--the hands that opened my eyes to the light of
this world may close them at my death. We suffer before we think; it is
the common lot of humanity. I experienced more than my proportion of it.
I have no knowledge of what passed prior to my fifth or sixth year; I
recollect nothing of learning to read, I only remember what effect the
first considerable exercise of it produced on my mind; and from that
moment I date an uninterrupted knowledge of myself.
Every night, after supper, we read some part of a small collection of
romances which had been my mother's. My father's design was only to
improve me in reading, and he thought these entertaining works were
calculated to give me a fondness for it; but we soon found ourselves so
interested in the adventures they contained, that we alternately read
whole nights together, and could not bear to give over until at the
conclusion of a volume. Sometimes, in a morning, on hearing the swallows
at our window, my father, quite ashamed of this weakness, would cry,
"Come, come, let us go to bed; I am more a child than thou art."
I soon acquired, by this dangerous custom, not only an extreme facility
in reading and comprehending, but, for my age, a too intimate
acquaintance with the passions. An infinity of sensations were familiar
to me, without possessing any precise idea of the objects to which they
related--I had conceived nothing--I had felt the whole. This confused
succession of emotions did not retard the future efforts of my reason,
though they added an extravagant, romantic notion of human life, which
experience and reflection have never been able to eradicate.
My romance reading concluded with the summer of 1719, the following
winter was differently employed. My mother's library being quite
exhausted, we had recourse to that part of her father's which had
devolved to us; here we happily found some valuable books, which was by
no means extraordinary, having been selected by a minister that truly
deserved that title, in whom learning (which was the rage of the times)
was but a secondary commendation, his taste and good sense being most
conspicuous. The history of the Church and Empire by Le Sueur,
Bossuett's Discourses on Universal History, Plutarch's Lives, the history
by Nani, Ovid's Metamorphoses, La Bruyere, Fontenelle's World, Venice
his Dialogues of the Dead, and a few volumes of Moliere, were soon ranged
in my father's closet, where, during the hours he was employed in his
business, I daily read them, with an avidity and taste uncommon, perhaps
unprecedented at my age.
Choderlos de Laclos, an eighteenth-century French novelist, is best remembered for Les liaisons dangereuses, or Dangerous Liaisons. This epistolary novel tells of the unscrupulous libertinism practiced by the central characters, Valmont and Merteuil. Together they plot for pleasure and power, but their scheme turns against them.
Laclos was a reasonably successful army general in his time. Although at one stage he was imprisoned for his work on Les liaisons dangereuses, the novel was an enormous success (and a veritable scandal).
And, obviously, the main characters of "Dangerous liaisons" are vicomte de Valmont and madam de Merteuil. Exactly they braid all intrigues together and spoil the lives of so many people. That is what we see on the example of Cecile de Volanges and madam de Tourvel. The famous director Milos Foreman in his filming of "Dangerous Liaisons" remarked, that the main theme and idea of the novel is opening of the image and the goal of of the deeds of unamendabled lover Valmont, his growing up under influence of madam de Tourvel's love? That's why Milos Foreman renamed his film from "Dangerous Liaisons" to simply "Valmont". Exactly, in Valmont Choderlos de Laclos wanted to show vices of his century, Valmont is its reflection. But madam de Merteuil hasn't gone too far from Valmont. In the novel we are watching their correspondence. Why Choderlos de Laclos chose epistolary genre? Because only in a letter we can clearly consider and perceive some thoughts and feelings of a man. Even a style of writing a letter can can tell us much about him. For example, let us take madam de Merteuil – she writes in a exquisite and dainty style, using many epithets and specific words, in her "speech" we see utterances of the famous philosophers of her time, her own dictums. And more, this dainty schemer owns a flexible and sharp wit, sense of humour, and she is well educated and interested in all latest news about theatre and music. She is an interesting person to deal with. Madam de Merteuil can stand for herself, she can get every man she wants, she can be charming and attractive, virtuous and modest (remember her relationships with madam de Volanges). She early understood that a woman can conquer a man, subordinate him, if she wants so. But this woman is ought not only to be able to talk about a fashion and to have good manners – wise marquise consulted with philosophers, writers, moralists. She knows how to behave herself with men and she knows what she wants. She enjoys this "game of love" and a sharp intrigue she twisted between the lovers -- chevalier Danceny and Cecile de Volanges. It gives her pleasure and joy. Cecile is too young and naive to understand a cunning plan of de Merteuil. But Danceny revealed her bad nature at the end. Her accomplice is skilful in love vicomte de Valmont.
Valmont is a face of
his age. It is worth of thinking, was Valmont the only representative of such
"tending to love" in all
And what do Valmont
and de Merteil have common and and
different? Both of them – mean souls, capable to fraud and treason,
connoisseurs of a sharp intrigue and they are interested in its flexible
uncoupling. To use surrounding people in your own purposes is the greatest
pleasure. An intrigue for them is a whole art, ability to stay alive and to get
wishing. Hundreds, or even thousands of people got
victims of this art. They are accomplices in their sins, the plans they invent
together. That is what united them. But their lives in society ended
differently. For madam de berteuil – it was a great
disgrace, departure in big hurry from
One more heroine of "Dangerous liaisons" is Cecile de Volanges. She has just arrived from the monastery, she is young and inexperienced, trustful and lightheaded. She fell in love with Danceny. Having fallen into the trap made by Valmont and marquise de Mereuil she let them use herself how do they like. She is defenseless before their cunning and dainty cruelty. And the love to Danceny made her absolutely simple victim. De Merteuil wants to revenge her last lover and Cecile de Volanges is only one section in a chain of cunningly braided intrigues. They shamed her before the all society, before her own mother. Poor Cecile, at the end, went to a monastery. Her pure and noble soul couldn't solve this riddle. Her mother didn't find out the all truth about what had happened.
One more noble heart
and virtuous soul is madam de Tourvel. For Valmont to
spoil a woman with a high moral principles and pure soul is a real victory. But
for madam de Tourvel it was a real pure and beautiful
love which happens only once in a life. Valmont's letters she read for hundreds
times and knew them by heart. But for him it is only a fine game, light
amusement. Madam de Tourvel couldn't betray her moral
principles, her husband and a religion. Valmont made her do it. Gradually,
Valmont didn't mention himself to fall in love with madam de Tourvel. He didn't notice that his feelings began to change
from shameful and dirty into gentle and romantic. He wanted to donate his love
in the name of his reputation of the "first reprobate in
"Dangerous liaisons" is very moral, special philosophical-moral-ethical creation.
The representatives of the French people, organized as a National Assembly, believing that the ignorance, neglect, or contempt of the rights of man are the sole cause of public calamities and of the corruption of governments, have determined to set forth in a solemn declaration the natural, unalienable, and sacred rights of man, in order that this declaration, being constantly before all the members of the Social body, shall remind them continually of their rights and duties; in order that the acts of the legislative power, as well as those of the executive power, may be compared at any moment with the objects and purposes of all political institutions and may thus be more respected, and, lastly, in order that the grievances of the citizens, based hereafter upon simple and incontestable principles, shall tend to the maintenance of the constitution and redound to the happiness of all. Therefore the National Assembly recognizes and proclaims, in the presence and under the auspices of the Supreme Being, the following rights of man and of the citizen:
1. Men are born and remain free and equal in rights. Social distinctions may be founded only upon the general good.
2. The aim of all political association is the preservation of the natural and imprescriptible rights of man. These rights are liberty, property, security, and resistance to oppression.
3. The principle of all sovereignty resides essentially in the nation. No body nor individual may exercise any authority which does not proceed directly from the nation.
5. Law can only prohibit such actions as are hurtful to society. Nothing may be prevented which is not forbidden by law, and no one may be forced to do anything not provided for by law.
6. Law is the expression of the general will. Every citizen has a right to participate personally, or through his representative, in its foundation. It must be the same for all, whether it protects or punishes. All citizens, being equal in the eyes of the law, are equally eligible to all dignities and to all public positions and occupations, according to their abilities, and without distinction except that of their virtues and talents.
7. No person shall be accused, arrested, or imprisoned except in the cases and according to the forms prescribed by law. Any one soliciting, transmitting, executing, or causing to be executed, any arbitrary order, shall be punished. But any citizen summoned or arrested in virtue of the law shall submit without delay, as resistance constitutes an offense.
8. The law shall provide for such punishments only as are strictly and obviously necessary, and no one shall suffer punishment except it be legally inflicted in virtue of a law passed and promulgated before the commission of the offense.
9. As all persons are held innocent until they shall have been declared guilty, if arrest shall be deemed indispensable, all harshness not essential to the securing of the prisoner's person shall be severely repressed by law.
10. No one shall be disquieted on account of his opinions, including his religious views, provided their manifestation does not disturb the public order established by law.
11. The free communication of ideas and opinions is one of the most precious of the rights of man. Every citizen may, accordingly, speak, write, and print with freedom, but shall be responsible for such abuses of this freedom as shall be defined by law.
12. The security of the rights of man and of the citizen requires public military forces. These forces are, therefore, established for the good of all and not for the personal advantage of those to whom they shall be intrusted.
13. A common contribution is essential for the maintenance of the public forces and for the cost of administration. This should be equitably distributed among all the citizens in proportion to their means.
14. All the citizens have a right to decide, either personally or by their representatives, as to the necessity of the public contribution; to grant this freely; to know to what uses it is put; and to fix the proportion, the mode of assessment and of collection and the duration of the taxes.
15. Society has the right to require of every public agent an account of his administration.
16. A society in which the observance of the law is not assured, nor the separation of powers defined, has no constitution at all.
17. Since property is an inviolable and sacred right, no one shall be deprived thereof except where public necessity, legally determined, shall clearly demand it, and then only on condition that the owner shall have been previously and equitably indemnified.
Written by Olympe De Gouge, 1791
"[Olympe] De Gouges was a butcher's daughter ... who wrote
several plays and a number of pamphlets on the coming Estates General. In this
work [Les Droits de la Femme] de Gouges states
that the Declaration of Rights of Man and Citizen is not being applied to
women. She implies the vote for women, demands a national assembly of women,
stresses that men must yield rights to women, and emphasizes women's
education."--Darline Gay Levy, Harriet Branson Applewhite, and Mary
Note: De Gouges's devotion to the cause of women's rights led to her being charged with treason under the rule of the National Convention. She was arrested, tried, and later, in November of 1793, executed by the guillotine.
are you capable of being just? It is a woman who poses the question; you will
not deprive her of that right at least. Tell me, what gives you sovereign
empire to opress my sex? Your
strength? Your talents? Observe the Creator in
his wisdom; survey in all her grandeur that nature with whom
you seem to want to be in harmony, and give me, if you dare, an exampl of this tyrannical empire. Go back to animals,
consult the elements, study plants, finally glance at all the modifications of
organic matter, and surrender to the evidence when I offer you the menas; search, probe, and distinguish, if you can, the
sexes in the administration of nature. Everywhere you will find them mingled;
everywhere they cooperate in harmonious tpgetherness
in this immortal masterpiece.
Man alone has raised his exceptional circumstances to a principle. Bizarre, blind, bloated with science and degenerated--in a century of enlightenment and wisdom--into the crassest ignorance, he wants to command as a despot a sex which is in full possession of its intellectual faculties; he pretends to enjoy the Revolution and to claim his rights to equality in order to say nothing more about it.
For the National Assemby to decree in its last sessions, or in those of the next legislature:
daughters, sisters [and] representatives of the nation demand to be constituted
into a national assembly. Believing that ignorance, omission, or scorn for the
rights of woman are the only causes of public misfortunes and of the corruption
of governments, [the women] have resolved to set forth a solemn declaration the
natural, inalienable, and sacred rights of woman in order that this
declaration, constantly exposed before all members of the society, will
ceaselessly remind them of their rights and duties; in order that the
authoritative acts f women and teh athoritative acts of men may be at any moment compared with
and respectful of the purpose of all political institutions; and in order that
citizens' demands, henceforth based on simple and incontestable principles,
will always support the constitution, good morals, and the happiness of all.
Consequently, the sex that is as superior in beauty as it is in courage during the sufferings of maternity recognizes and declares in the presence and under the auspices of the Supreme Being, the following Rights of WOman and of Female Citizens.
Woman is born free and lives equal to man in her rights. Social distinctions can be based only on the common utility.
The purpose of any political association is the conservation of the natural and impresciptible rights of woman and man; these rights are liberty property, security, and especially resistance to oppression.
The principle of all sovereignty rests essentially with the nation, which is nothing but the union of woman and man; no body and no individual can exercise any authority which does not come expressly from it (the nation).
Laws of nature and reason proscibe all acts harmful to society; everything which is not prohibited by these wise and divine laws cannot be prevented, and no one can be constrained to do what they do not command.
The law must be the expression of the general will; all female and male citizens must contribute either personally or through their representatives to its formation; it must be the same for all: male and female citizens, being equal in the eyes of the law, must be equally admitted to all honors, positions, and public employment according to their capacity and without other distinctions besides those of their virtues and talents.
No woman is an exception; she is accused, arrested, and detained in cases determined by law. Women, like men, obey this rigorous law.
The law must establish only those penalties that are strictly and obviously necessary...
Once any woman is declared guilty, complete rigor is exercised by law.
No one is to be disquieted for his very basic opinions; woman has the right to mount the scaffold; she must equally have the right to mount the rostrum, provided that her demonstrations do not disturb the legally established public order.
The free communication of thoughts and opinions is one of the most precious rights of woman, since that liberty assures recognition of children by their fathers. Any female citizen thus may say freely, I am the mother of a child which belongs to you, without being forced by a barbarous prejudice to hide the truth; (an exception may be made) to respond to the abuse of this liberty in cases determined by law.
The gaurantee of the rights of woman and the female citizen implies a major benefit; this guarantee must be instituted for the advantage of all, and not for the particular benefit of those to whom it is entrusted.
For the support of the public force and the expenses of administration, the contributions of woman and man are equal; she shares all the duties and all the painful tasks; therefore, whe must have the same share in the distribution of positions, employment, offices, honors, and jobs.
Female and male citizens have the right to verify, either by themselves of through their representatives, the necessity of the public contribution. This can only apply to women if they are granted an equal share, not only of wealth, but also of public administration, and in the determination of the proportion, the base, the collection, and the duration of the tax.
The collectivity of women, joined for tax purposes to the aggregate of men, has the right to demand an accounting of his administration from any public agent.
No society has a constitution without the guarantee of rights and the separation of powers; the constitution is null if the majority of individuals comprising the nation have not cooperated in drafting it.
Property belongs to both sexes whether united or separate; for each it is an inviolable and sacred right' no one can be deprived of it, since it is the true patrimony of natire, unless the legally determined public need obviously dictates it, and then only with a just and prior indemnity.
wake up; the tocsin of reason is being heard throughout the whole universe;
discover your rights. The powerful empire of nature is no longer surrounded by
prejudice, fanaticism, superstition, and lies. The flame of truth has dispersed
all the clouds of folly and usurpation. Enslaved man has multiplied his
strength and needs recourse to yours to break his chains. Having become free,
he has become unjust to his companion. Oh, women, women! When will you cease to
be blind? What advantage have you received from the Revolution? A more
pronounced scorn, a more marked disdain. In the centuries of corruption you
ruled only over the weakness of men. The reclamation of your patrimony, based
on the wise decrees of nature-what have you to dread from such a fine
undertaking? The bon mot of the legislator of the
Marriage is the tomb of trust and love. The married woman can with impunity give bastards to her husband, and also give them the wealth which does not belong to them. The woman who is unmarried has only one feeble right; ancient and inhuman laws refuse to her for her children the right to the name and the wealth of their father; no new laws have been made in this matter. If it is considered a paradox and an impossibility on my part to try to give my sex an honorable and just consistency, I leave it to men to attain glory for dealing with this matter; but while we wait, the way can be prepared through national education, the restoration of morals, and conjugal conventions.
We, _____ and ______, moved by our own will, unite ourselves for the duration of our lives, and for the duration of our mutual inclinations, under the following conditions: We intend and wish to make our wealth communal, meanwhile reserving to ourselves the right to divide it in favor of our children and of those toward whom we might have a particular inclination, mutually recognizing that our property belongs directly to our children, from whatever bed they come, and that all of them without distinction have the right to bear the name of the fathers and mothers who have acknowledged them, and we are charged to subscribe to the law which punishes the renunciation of one's own blood. We likewise obligate ourselves, in case of separation, to divide our wealth and to set aside in advance the portion the law indicates for our children, and in the event of a perfect union, the one who dies will divest himself of half his property in his children's favor, and if one dies childless, the survivor will inherit by right, unless the dying person has disposed of half the common property in favor of one whom he judged deserving.
is approximately the formula for the marriage act I propose for execution. Upon
reading this strange document, I see rising up against
me the hypocrites, the prudes, the clergy, and the whole infernal sequence. But
how it [my proposal] offers to the wise the moral means of achieving the
perfection of a happy government! . . .
Moreover, I would like a law which would assist widows and young girls deceived by the false promises of a man to whom they were attached; I would like, I say, this law to force an inconstant man to hold to his obligations or at least [to pay] an indemnity equal to his wealth. Again, I would like this law to be rigorous against women, at least those who have the effrontery to have reCourse to a law which they themselves had violated by their misconduct, if proof of that were given. At the same time, as I showed in Le Bonheur primitit de l'homme, in 1788, that prostitutes should be placed in designated quarters. It is not prostitutes who contribute the most to the depravity of morals, it is the women of' society. In regenerating the latter, the former are changed. This link of fraternal union will first bring disorder, but in consequence it will produce at the end a perfect harmony.
I offer a foolproof way to elevate the soul of women; it is to join them to all the activities of man; if man persists in finding this way impractical, let him share his fortune with woman, not at his caprice, but by the wisdom of laws. Prejudice falls, morals are purified, and nature regains all her rights. Add to this the marriage of priests and the strengthening of the king on his throne, and the French government cannot fail.
From Darline Gay Levy, Harriet Branson Applewhite, and Mary Durham Johnson, eds., Women in Revolutionary Paris, 1789-1795 (Urbana, University of Illinois Press, 1980), pp. 87-96.
La Marseillaise, the French national anthem,
was composed in one night during the French Revolution (
de Lisle was himself a royalist and refused to take the oath of allegiance to
the new constitution. He was imprisoned and barely escaped the guillotine.. Originally entitled Chant de guerre de l'armeé du Rhin
(War Song of the Army of the
The Convention accepted it as the French
national anthem in a decree passed
Allons enfants de la Patrie
Let us go, children of the
Aux armes citoyens!
To arms, citizens!
Amour sacré de la Patrie,
Sacred love of the fatherland
Aux armes citoyens!
To arms, citizens!